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作者:李卖蚬 《国家地理》杂志访问老李的那篇文章原文可点击以下的连接阅读： -->《国家地理》杂志访问”动物园庄“园主 【“Over time, Singaporeans have become less hard-driving and hard-striving. This is why it is a good thing that the nation has welcomed so many Chinese   immigrants.” Lee was quoted saying. Lee describes the country’s new subjects as “hungry,” with parents who “pushed the children very hard.” “If native Singaporeans are falling behind because the spurs are not stuck into the hide, that is their problem,” he quipped. “这些年来，新加坡人已经越来越不进取和努力，所以我们的国家欢迎很多大陆来的新移民是件好事。”李资政说. 李资政形容这些大陆新移民为十分“饥渴”，并且父母都把“孩子看得很紧”。 “如果土生土长的新加坡人被抛在后头，那是他们对下一代的鞭策不够，这是他们的问题。”他打趣地说。】 建国44年来，这个“动物庄园”完全在老李的掌控下，他叫你坐你不能站，他叫你向右走你不能向左走。他扫除一切障碍，确保动物们的主流思想，言行举止都在他的掌控中。如今他认为需要从别处注入新血（25%，那是四分之一的人口！），而且是在各个阶层都大量注入新血，这不就说明这个“动物庄园”的一套做法是不能持续的吗? 以DOS为基础的Windows3.1 无论你加了多少的RAM（记忆储存）和HARD-Disk（硬碟）, 最终它还是受到了DOS单任务操作管理模式的限制，要怪就怪DOS，怎么怪RAM不够好呢? 老李真是“Blur like Sotong!” 其实，这“动物庄园”不是我的意思，而是老李的意思。在《国家地理》杂志的这篇文章中，网络媒体只注意以上那两段话，而忽略了文章中前一段的话: 【To lead a society, the MM says in his precise Victorian English, "one must understand human nature. I have always thought that humanity was animal-like. The Confucian theory was man could be improved, but I'm not sure he can be. He can be trained, he can be disciplined." 李资政用他准确的维多利亚时代英语说，要领导一个社会，“一定要明白人的天性。我一向来都认为人性就类似动物一样。 儒家学说相信人可以改善，但我不肯定这点。 人可以被训练，可以用纪律来训导。”】 把人当动物来“训练”， 动物干劲不够就怪没有“用矛往他皮上刺”（the spurs are not stuck into the hide）。。 难怪这“庄园”40多年后的今天遇到了瓶颈。这是明白人的天性，还是狂妄无知呢？ 呵呵。 来源：大马论坛  Read More →

Written by Our Correspondent In an extensive interview with the Sunday Times today, former political detainee and Barisan Sosialist leader Dr Poh Soo Kai spoke candidly about his tumultuous political career and detention. Dr Poh was born in Singapore, the fourth child of six in a privileged Straits-born Chinese family. His maternal grandfather was prominent millionaire businessman and philanthropist Tan Kah Kee, and his uncle was Mr Lee Kong Chian, another famous philanthropist and founder of OCBC Bank. During his university days, he was active in the University Socialist Club, a debating forum for students who were against colonialism and sought independence for Malaya and Singapore. They believed in freedoms of speech and assembly, and opposed detention without trial. One of the first members of the People's Action Party (PAP), Dr Poh was roped in as an assistent Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialist after it was formed from a breakaway faction of the PAP in 1961. Dr Poh insists that contrary to the official view, the leftists within the PAP did not force the split. There was a difference in opinion on issues such as detention without trial, freedom of speech, press and assembly. It was then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, who saw it as a challenge to the PAP leadership and forced the split. Dr Poh was arrested and detained without trial under Operation Cold Store in 1963. He was released in 1972 only to be re-arrested again in 1976 before he was freed in 1982. Altogether, he was detained for a total of 17 years without being ever tried in court. He was the third longest held political detainee in the history of Singapore after Mr Chia Thye Poh (32 ye ars) and Dr Lim Hock Siew (19 years). According to declassified documents from the British National Archives, the “communist” threat was “played up” by Lee Kuan Yew who allegedly tried to persuade Lord Selkrik and then Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman to arrest several of his former political comrades including Ong Eng Guan who never belonged to the “leftist” camp under a joint operation by the Internal Security Council to give the impression that it was the federal government in Kuala Lumpur who ordered the arrests and not the PAP. Lord Selkrik wrote to his superiors in London imploring them not to listen to Lee: “Lee is probably very much attracted to the idea of destroying his political opponents. It should be remembered that there is behind all this a very personal aspect…he claims he wishes to put back in detention the very people who were released at his insistence – people who are intimate acquaintances, who have served in his government, and with whom there is a strong sense of political rivalry which transcends ideological differences.” [Source: British National Archives] Recalling his long period of incarceration, sometimes under solitary confinement, Dr Poh said: "No regrets, but you are unhappy, you know. It's very obvious. I mean, you can't keep a person in prison and lock him up, you know, without a valid reason. You ask him (Lee) to bring you to court, he doesn't bring you to court. I mean, you feel they have to change the system. You can't have a system like this continue. You don't want your children, your grandchildren to live in a police state." He would not shake Mr Lee's hand if he met him. 'There's nothing more to say,' he says. Though Singapore has a first world economy, its repressive political system resembles more than a modern police state. All state institutions such as the police, grassroots organizations and trade unions are controlled firmly by the ruling party. There is no free or independent press in Singapore. All the major papers are owned by a single news agency Singapore Press Holdings whose Chairman is a former PAP minister Dr Tony Tan. The economy is dominated by state-linked companies such as SingTel, Starhub, SIA and Capitaland which are owned directly or indirectly by the government via its two gigantic sovereign wealth funds - Temasek Holdings and GIC. Lee Kuan Yew is the Chairman of GIC while his daughter-in-law Ho Ching leads Temasek Holdings. Both funds reportedly lost billions of dollars during the global financial crisis last year. Draconian laws are put in place to curtail the civil and political rights of ordinary Singaporeans. A new law was introduced this year making even a solo protest illegal. Protests are legally allowed only at Speaker's Corner, but the installation of CCTVs at its premises have deterred Singaporeans from going there. When asked about his assessment of Singapore's future, Dr Poh argues that Singapore is too dependent on an export-oriented economy. In his view, if there was no Operation Cold Store, Barisan would have won the 1963 election 'hands down'. Then, he says, Singapore might have been less dependent on foreign direct investment, and there might have been more freedom and discussion about the country's development. Nothing much has changed then. In fact, the situation has deteriorated. After 44 years of continuous "brain-washing" by the state media, most Singaporeans grow up becoming politically ignorant, apathetic and inactive. An ignorant, disinterested and naive citizenry is the key to the PAP maintaining its political hegemony in Singapore without which its glaring mistakes will be put under intense public scrutiny and questions raised about its legitimacy to govern.   Related articles: >> Photo Gallery: Book launch of “The Fajar Generation” >> Interview with Dr Lim Hock Siew and Dr Poh Soo Kai >> Dr Lim Hock Siew on “immorality” of the political situation in Singapore today >> VIDEO: Dr Lim Hock Siew speaks of his detention >> Book launch: The Fajar Generation   EDITORS’ NOTE: “The Fajar Generation” is published by GB Gerakbudaya Enterprise Sdn. Bhd: 11 Lorong 11/4E, 46200 Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia. Tel: +603-7957 8342/8343   Fax: +603-79549202 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] Website: www.gerakbudaya.com  Read More →

By Cai Haoxiang and Jeremy Au Yong from Straits Times Sipping tea over the dining room table at his two-storey terrace house in East Coast Road, Dr Poh Soo Kai exudes an old-school gentility that belies his 17-year political incarceration and hardened socialist convictions. As his wife Margaret urges the reporters to help themselves to freshly cut papaya and Penang pastries, the 77-year old gives a genial chuckle: 'My life story! So where do you want to start?' Looking at the soft-spoken balding man in his polo T-shirt, it is hard to imagine that he was once regarded as a threat to national security. The former Barisan Sosialis leader was arrested in 1963 for alleged pro-communist activities. He was released at the end of 1972 and re-arrested in 1976, accused of plotting to revive communist united front activities. After his release in 1982, he practised as a doctor for eight years before emigrating to Canada with his wife in 1990. He returned to Singapore for good two years ago. Among his peers, Dr Poh is remembered as the student activist who co-wrote the anti-British editorial entitled 'Aggression in Asia' in Fajar, the journal of the then-University of Malaya Socialist Club (USC), in May 1954. It led to his arrest together with seven other students for sedition. Today, Dr Poh joins a growing group of ageing former leftists who are stepping into the open to give their side of the Singapore story. He is a key collaborator behind the book The Fajar Generation: The University Socialist Club And The Politics Of Post-war Malaya And Singapore, launched at the Alumni Medical Centre at Singapore General Hospital on Nov15. In four articles, Dr Poh wrote about the founding of the club, the political circumstances surrounding his detention, and the future of socialism. The first question that springs to mind: After living in Vancouver for 17 years as a rose-planting retiree, why did he return to Singapore in 2007? His reply: I wanted to be with my family. 'My sister who lived in Canada has passed away. I'm getting old. The National Health Service there is very good but when you go to the hospital, nobody comes to see you.' All his surviving family members, who include two brothers and two sisters, are in Singapore. Dr Poh was born in Singapore, the fourth child of six in a privileged Straits-born Chinese family. His maternal grandfather was prominent millionaire businessman and philanthropist Tan Kah Kee, and his uncle was Mr Lee Kong Chian, another famous philanthropist and founder of OCBC Bank. Just before the fall of Singapore to the Japanese, his family moved to India. He spent the four war years in a Catholic missionary secondary school in Mumbai. He moved back to Singapore after the Japanese surrender and entered Raffles Institution, before going to the medical faculty of the University of Malaya, the predecessor of the National University of Singapore, in 1950. His nascent socialist views can be traced to his coming of age years in a colonial society that was undergoing tremendous political ferment after the war. On campus, he joined like-minded students in USC. Formed in 1953, it was a debating forum for students who were against colonialism and sought independence for Malaya and Singapore. They believed in freedoms of speech and assembly, and opposed detention without trial. Its founding members included Dr Wang Gungwu, now an eminent China scholar, Mr James Puthucheary, Mr S. Woodhull, Mr Ong Pang Boon, Mr Chua Sian Chin, Mr Abdullah Majid and Dr Lim Hock Siew. Dr Poh served as the club's first treasurer and second president, and chaired the editorial board of Fajar, which means 'dawn' in Malay. He and Dr M.K. Rajakumar co-wrote the May 1954 Fajar article which condemned Western imperialism and criticised the South-east Asia Treaty Organisation, a military pact formed by the Western powers to oppose communism in the region. Enraged, the British authorities launched a dawn raid on the Bukit Timah campus and arrested the writers and six students for sedition just before they were about to sit for their final examinations. The six were Professor Edwin Thumboo, Mr Puthucheary, Mr Kwa Boo Sun, Mr Lam Khuan Kit, Mr P. Arudsothy and Mr Thomas Varkey. Their defence was led by Mr D.N. Pritt, a Queen's Counsel from England assisted by a junior lawyer, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. The charges were thrown out without the defence being called. The case became a cause celebre, imprinting Mr Lee's name in the public consciousness, helping him to garner widespread support among English- and Chinese-educated intellectuals and students. As Dr Poh recollects, after the Fajar trial, Mr Lee would invite him to his house at 38 Oxley Road every fortnight to 'drink beer and talk'. He notes that he was involved in the embryonic discussions that eventually led to the founding of the People's Action Party (PAP) three months later. 'But Lee did most of the work, I just attended to give my views.' He says his relations with Mr Lee began to cool when he began to suspect that the PAP leader did not share the same ideological platform as the leftists. Nevertheless, he remained an ordinary PAP member and was inactive in politics as he was tied down by his career. In 1957, he had graduated from medical school. In 1959, when the PAP swept to power, he was in government service, training to be a doctor in surgery, obstetrics and gynaecology. THE BIG SPLIT In 1961, the political temperature was coming to the boil. The PAP was racked by challenges from its powerful leftist faction over the issues of merger with Malaya, Chinese education and the continuing detention of leftists. After losing two by-elections, the party was on the brink of collapse. The beleaguered Mr Lee moved a motion of confidence in the 51-seat legislative assembly. The PAP survived when 27 voted aye but 13 dissident assemblymen abstained. The dissidents and other leftist members were expelled from the party. They formed a new party, Barisan Sosialis, led by Mr Lim Chin Siong as secretary-general and Dr Lee Siew Choh as chairman. Dr Poh was roped in as assistant secretary-general. He remembers being in charge of discussions on party issues and ideology. He says he had to give up a scholarship to pursue higher studies and a job in the government service to join Barisan. Why? 'It was a duty to fight the PAP leadership's stand.' He felt the PAP leadership had betrayed its earlier position on freeing students and unionists locked up for participating in labour unrest. Touching on The Big Split of 1961, which saw the leftists leaving the PAP to form Barisan Sosialis, Dr Poh insists: 'We did not split from the PAP. That's a fact...none of the official views wanted to stress on that. We had a difference of opinion.' He referred to statements by six PAP unionists in the run-up to the 1961 Anson by-election, which came out openly against the ruling party. The Big Six - Mr Lim, Mr Fong Swee Suan, Mr Woodhull, Mr Dominic Puthucheary, Mr S.T. Bani and Mr Jamit Singh - had stated that while they supported the PAP in the coming by-election, they would not compromise on issues such as detention without trial and freedoms of press, speech, assembly and organisation. Dr Poh argues that these statements amounted to a 'request', not an 'ultimatum'. But Mr Lee, he says, saw this as a challenge to the PAP leadership and decided to make the split. OPERATION COLD STORE Feb2, 1963, was the day that changed Dr Poh's life forever. As he wrote in The Fajar Generation about the pre-dawn arrests: 'There were the fierce barking of the dogs, a swarm of fully armed Gurkha police, the Jeeps and the Land Rovers.' More than 100 leftists and unionists were arrested in a massive security exercise known as Operation Cold Store, aimed at putting communists and suspected communists behind bars. As he recounts his years in detention, he draws a diagram of his prison on the back of an envelope. The first period of detention involved months of solitary confinement, where he could sometimes hear prisoners shouting incoherently from their cells. The strain detainees faced was more psychological than physical, he says, as they were interrogated about whether their friends were communists or involved in pro-communist activities. Dr Poh admits he is a socialist, even a Marxist, but denies being a communist, that is, being a card-carrying member of the Malayan Communist Party. In his recollection, detainees were asked to implicate their friends. He speaks about a man who had just come out of solitary confinement to live with detainees at the Moon Crescent Centre in Changi. Day or night, the man would wear dark glasses. Puzzled by his behaviour, Dr Poh approached him one evening and asked him why. 'Bo min kua lang (no face to see people), the man replied in Hokkien. He feels bad, he feels that he's let down his friend.' Reflecting on the experience of detention, he says that every detainee is scarred to some extent but that traumatic memories will wear off gradually. Yet his words, delivered in perfectly enunciated English, betray an occasional trace of bitterness and frustration: 'No regrets, but you are unhappy, you know. It's very obvious. I mean, you can't keep a person in prison and lock him up, you know, without a valid reason. 'You ask him (Lee) to bring you to court, he doesn't bring you to court. I mean, you feel they have to change the system. You can't have a system like this continue. You don't want your children, your grandchildren to live in a police state.' He would not shake Mr Lee's hand if he met him. 'There's nothing more to say,' he says. Read rest of article on Straits Times  Read More →