TR EMERITUS

BOSTON (Reuters) - U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy, a towering figure in the Democratic Party who took the helm of one of America's most fabled political families after two older brothers were assassinated, died at age 77, his family said. "Edward M. Kennedy, the husband, father, grandfather, brother and uncle we loved so deeply, died late Tuesday night at home in Hyannis Port (Massachusetts)," the Kennedy family said in a statement early Wednesday. One of the most influential and longest-serving senators in U.S. history -- a liberal standard-bearer who was also known as a consummate congressional dealmaker -- Kennedy had been battling brain cancer, which was diagnosed in May 2008. His death marked the twilight of a political dynasty and dealt a blow to Democrats as they seek to answer President Barack Obama's call for an overhaul of the healthcare system. Kennedy made healthcare reform his signature cause. He recently urged Massachusetts lawmakers to change state law so the governor, if necessary, could quickly fill a Senate vacancy as the chamber debates the contentious healthcare issue. Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid said in a statement, "As we mourn his loss, we rededicate ourselves to the causes for which he so dutifully dedicated his life." Known as "Teddy," he was the brother of President John Kennedy, assassinated in 1963, Senator Robert Kennedy, fatally shot while campaigning for the 1968 Democratic presidential nomination, and Joe Kennedy, a pilot killed in World War Two. When he first took the Senate seat previously held by John Kennedy in 1962, he was seen as something of a political lightweight who owed his ascent to his famous name. Yet during his nearly half century in the chamber, Kennedy became known as one of Washington's most effective senators, crafting legislation by working with lawmakers and presidents of both parties, and finding unlikely allies. At the same time, he held fast to liberal causes deemed anachronistic by the centrist "New Democrats," and was a lightning rod for conservative ire. He helped enact measures to protect civil and labor rights, expand healthcare, upgrade schools, increase student aid and contain the spread of nuclear weapons. "There's a lot to do," Kennedy told Reuters in 2006. "I think most of all it's the injustice that I continue to see and the opportunity to have some impact on it." After Robert Kennedy's death, Edward was expected to waste little time in vying for the presidency. But in 1969, a young woman drowned after a car Kennedy was driving plunged off a bridge on the Massachusetts resort island of Chappaquiddick after a night of partying. Kennedy's image took a major hit after it emerged he had failed to report the accident to authorities. He pleaded guilty to leaving the scene and received a suspended sentence. Kennedy eventually ran for his party's presidential nomination in 1980 but lost to then-President Jimmy Carter. His presidential ambitions thwarted, Kennedy devoted himself to his Senate career. A 2009 survey by The Hill, a Capitol Hill publication, found that Senate Republicans believed Kennedy was the chamber's easiest Democrat to work with and most bipartisan. Republican Senator John McCain called Kennedy "the single most effective member of the Senate if you want to get results." In January 2008, Kennedy endorsed Obama, who was serving his first term as a senator, for the Democratic presidential nomination. Many saw the endorsement -- Obama went on to win the nomination and the White House -- as the passing of the political torch to a new generation. 'LION' BATTLED ON Kennedy had been largely sidelined in Congress since becoming ill. The "Lion of the Senate" began to use a cane and often looked tired and drained as he mixed work with treatment. Yet colleagues and staff said he remained determined to fulfill what he called "the cause of my life," providing health insurance to all Americans. He helped draft legislation to overhaul the $2.5 trillion U.S. healthcare system. Kennedy's interest in healthcare dated from his son's bout with cancer in the 1970s. More recently, he cited his own illness as he made a case for reform. "I've benefited from the best of medicine, but I've also witnessed the frustration and outrage of patients and doctors alike as they face the challenges of a system that shortchanges millions of Americans," he wrote in a May 28, 2009, issue of the Boston Globe. His charisma as "the last of the Kennedy brothers" was such that draft-Teddy drives were a feature of U.S. presidential election years from 1968 through the 1980s. But he never fully escaped the cloud of the Chappaquiddick accident. A decades-long argument arose about whether he tried to cover up his involvement by leaving the scene while Mary Jo Kopechne's body remained submerged and whether police helped sweep such questions under the rug. All involved denied any cover-up. Later crises involving younger Kennedys, notably the 1991 Palm Beach rape trial of his nephew, William Kennedy Smith, caught a bloated and weary-looking Uncle Ted in a media glare. Reports of heavy drinking and womanizing led to a public apology for "the faults in the conduct of my private life." Kennedy was remarried soon after that to Victoria Reggie, a 38-year-old lawyer with two young children from her first marriage. He poured renewed energy into the Senate, where he would become the third-longest serving senator in history. Even his Republican foes recognized Kennedy's dedication as he worked to protect civil rights, give federal help to the poor, contain the spread of nuclear weapons, raise the minimum wage, expand health coverage and improve America's schools. FAMILY STANDARDS Born on February 22, 1932, Edward Moore Kennedy was the last of four sons and five daughters born to millionaire businessman Joseph Kennedy, who would later be ambassador to Britain, and his wife, Rose.  The Boston Irish family combined the competitive spirit of nouveau riche immigrants with acquired polish and natural charm. The sons were expected to mature into presidential timber and were groomed for that starting with the oldest, Joseph Jr., a bomber pilot who died in World War Two. "I think about my brothers every day," Kennedy told Reuters. "They set high standards. Sometimes you measure up, sometimes you don't." Like his brothers, Kennedy was known for his oratory, delivered in a booming voice at rallies, congressional hearings and in the Senate. He drew praise from liberals, labor and civil rights groups and scorn from conservatives, big business and anti-abortion and pro-gun activists. His image was often used by Republicans in ads as a money-raising tool. Tragedies dogged Kennedy throughout his life. They included a 1964 plane crash that damaged his spine and left him with persistent pain; bone cancer that cost son Teddy a leg; first wife Joan's battles with alcoholism that contributed to their divorce, and drug problems involving nephews, one of whom died of an overdose. His nephew, John Kennedy Jr., died in July 1999 when his small plane crashed into the ocean near Cape Cod. In May 2008, Edward Kennedy collapsed at his Cape Cod home and was flown to hospital in Boston, where he was diagnosed with a malignant brain tumor. Brain cancer kills half its victims within a year. Kennedy's illness kept him from attending the funeral of his sister, Eunice Kennedy Shriver, a leading advocate of the mentally disabled, who died on August 11 at the age of 88. Source: Reuters  Read More →

译者:冀居·谢 11、那么，国家信约的要旨是什么？议长先生，现在就请允许我向议会解释它的四个要旨，以及我对其的思考，我们目前取得的成就，以及如何在前进的过程中更注意的事项。 信约的四个要旨 12、让我从公民的意义谈起，“我们是新加坡公民……” 13、 我在1959年出世，那年我们自治，我经历了稳定、有时颠簸，蜕化中的新加坡。这很大部分形成我对国籍以及公民承诺的看法。见到年轻、伟岸的李光耀总理在 浮尔顿广场为加入马来西亚而热情演说，然后在1963年9月16日的“默迪卡日”成为马来西亚一分子而欢欣鼓舞，也知道大红花成为我们的国花。我还是小孩 时看到种族暴动，感受到戒严时的那种肃杀气氛；8月9日在黑白电视上看到我们总理眼眶含泪，告诉我们国家独立了，我一脸不解，因为本该是要庆祝的一回事。 我也记得1966年在电视上看到我们第一个国庆庆典，当时尤索夫总统一身戎装在大操场检阅队伍，自豪之情油然升起。然后在1967年，忧心忡忡的家长要送 他们的儿子入伍，有些亲朋戚友还为此而离开新加坡；英殖民者撤出新加坡时很多人失业，包括我的父亲和叔叔。我们专心一志的投入工业化，带来许多的工作和国 家的现代化——交通系统、建筑、组屋如雨后春笋般冒出来；以我个人的记忆来说，那年我读中一，我们必须从旧的莱佛士书院（1823年由莱佛士爵士建立）徒 步走到位于格兰芝路一个全新，备有奥林匹克游泳池的校舍。我们见证的是多么戏剧化的变迁，就像李总理在国庆群众大会为我们追溯的过去50年。这并不完全是 怀旧，而是感到一丝的骄傲，我相信很多新加坡人在看到李总理为我们放映那部视觉飨宴，并配上风趣智慧的旁白时都有这样的感觉。 14、这几年的国庆日，我都利用那个时候来反思我们作为一个国家、一个民族所取得的成就。我们怎么从黑白走向彩色，到今天重视各个色调的层次。我们从担心水患、卫生系统和孩子防疫注射，到今天我们关注生活的品质、旅行、提升我们的屋子，甚至越来越注重言论自由。 15、 40年来，我所能得的和享受到的，让我受宠若惊。但是在享受美好日子的同时，我们怎么可以忘掉来时路呢？那些带领我们绕过困难险阻，以及把我们带到这里的 无名英雄和领袖们，即使我们不感激，也该停下脚步欣赏一番吧？那是自信和自立推动他们来实现对国家的奉献（虽然那时我们还不算一个国家）。或许这里头很多 人不知道肯尼迪说过：不要问国家能为你做些什么，只问你能为国家做些什么？但是他们都一一实践了。这都是些平凡老百姓，我成长过程中所接触和交谈的，教我 明白信念和努力的重要性，都是通过这班不识字的顽强人们身上学会的。 16、公民不该只是个概念，那应该是你生活、呼吸和感受的全部。基于这点，我觉得只是在技术上或法理上谈论有关公民的权力、义务和平等都是徒劳的。 17、 这就好像在谈到奉养父母和保卫家庭时，来厘清所谓子女的权力和义务那样尴尬。以我的观点，当我们必须谈为什么的时候已经毫无意义了。作为公民，我们应该为 这个国家尽力。要是咱们的祖先也这么斤斤计较的话，我们今天能够到这儿吗？所以说他们的牺牲是无可估量的。以此我作为一名公民和国民服役人员，我建议放弃 所谓的国民服役“责任”，启用国民服役“承诺”这个词。我还记得在1978年，当我还是武装部队一名见习军官时，我们已经熟悉一句口号，时至今日仍不断萦 绕我心，就是：责任、荣耀、国家。 18、如果一个国民质疑他对国家的忠诚，那么是国家“责任”不过是个虚的东西。国民要觉得他们的奉献是值 得、没人敢忽视的。奖赏和特权必须高调和清晰可辨，并且自动颁与而不必乞求。可惜直到最近，公民的最大特征只是在选举时能够投票——有些人甚至认为在一党 独大、过半选区都未遭逢敌手的形势下，这项权力都不容易尝到。最近，有迹象显示政府在区分公民和非公民方面做了一些努力，比如在医药保健方面。但是这还是 不够，我所接触的许多新加坡人都觉得他们被国家忽视。是的，我们承认为了经济的理由，我们必须引进外国人才。但是如果我们小觑国人在面对就业和国民义务所 受的压力，我们就不得不面对逐渐腐蚀掉对这片土地的依恋和承诺。这个结果是很显然的。我注意到这个复杂情结，政府应该多放些精神进去，而这个国会更必须不 时提醒它这么做。 19，而通过政府代表的国家也必须对它的子民负责，同时这项承担也必然要清楚可见的。人民的意见必须找出、听进去，并且做 出回应。当政府不能顾及国民看法和利益时，它必须解释其中的原因。是的，这样做是很累人，并且有时会拖慢政府的办事效率，不过它是唯一的方法。同时，公民 在挑战政府看法时，政府的回应必须要诚恳，而不是施威甚至恐吓一些人，有时又冷酷和傲慢以对。 20、公民要有自由表达和免于恐惧的自由。白 色恐怖一直延续到八十年代，虽然今天已不多见，但我还是不时遇到有些人说他们敢怒而不敢言，因为他们害怕遭到报复。他们半开玩笑地说，他们是应感应器而定 时洒水的花洒头。不过，也止于半开玩笑而已，政府已经努力改善这个问题，我觉得可以做的还有更多。因为恐惧的气氛，无论多么温和，还是会腐蚀我们的认同感 和生于斯、死于斯的情怀。政府应该为有人敢站出来提出异议而感到高兴，即使是像政府那样义正词严的态度，这表示有人在乎。当你看到愤怒，其实你可以从中找 到热情和承诺。政府其实还可以放下更多身段，甚至厚脸皮一点。“亲新加坡”和“反政府”有着明显的不同。在这方面，政府自六十年代与人民确立的“社会契约 ”，应该要剪裁来适合今天更高要求的公民了。（待续） 摘自大马论坛  Read More →

译者:冀居·谢 维斯瓦·萨达斯万先生（官委议员）动议 建国原则: 要求国会在讨论有关国家政策，特别是有关经济政策时，根据国家信约的精神来确立建国原则。 _______________ 前言 1. 议长先生，我首先感谢您允许我提出这个动议。 2、议长先生，我要提出以下的动议：要求国会在讨论有关国家政策，特别是有关经济政策时，根据国家信约的精神来确立建国原则。 3、 一个半月前，当我被2009年国庆庆典主席陈川仁准将邀请写篇有关国家信约于我有何意义的文章时，就引发我去思考这个问题。那时候，陈准将和我相当深入地 交换了有关信约的这个课题，以及为什么要重新注入新的活力，成为新加坡人活生生并呼吸着的口号。我们迅速地觉察到，我们做为学子时那种周而复始，有口无心 的行礼如仪。我们也谈到我们信约中的美妙文字，以及无法落实其微言大义在政策上，将是多么的可惜的一回事，更不必说把我们团结成一个民族。 4、 我是在动笔之后，才发现这个信约的力量，以及它对我在精神上的启发。在写作的过程中我是百感交集——回忆、好的或者不太好的，都糅杂成我作为公民对于这个 体制的一个基本信念。我认为国家信约成就了我们是谁以及为何独一无二的存在。实际上，它是我们这个幸福、和谐、特别是经济上成功国家的要素。而且我发现， 这份信约文件，如果可以当成文件的话，是国会里少过三分二动不了的。差不多等于美国的人权法案，它定义了我们；在这个急遽变幻的世界保留我们的根，它代表 我们的信仰，是我们一生的追随。 5、常有人认为新加坡没有一个意识形态——实用主义是我们的口号和行动指南。但是只要仔细检查我们的信约，它就是我们国家的意识形态——一套不可取代的价值观，在面对诱惑时严以律己的实用主义。它是我们国人的道德指南，要是失去它、忽视它或者错用它将带给我们灾祸。 6、 国家信约带给我们，尤其是政府，一切的稳定因素，使到我们有信心尝试、大胆前进、快速换挡甚至改变方向让我们跟上大潮流——知道这艘船将会十分稳固并且不 会翻覆。所以推崇这套价值不必在顺境，而是在我们目前面对艰难险阻这个时刻。这可以是现在经济上的困境，也可以是几年前对抗沙斯的时候。在那些日子里，一 切脱序，种族、宗教、语言、阶级的向心力都备受试探，我们的本能和冲动都趋向于原始。也就是在那个时候，我们做为一个国家的勇气和抵御能力才真正碰到考 验。我们在沙斯肆虐期间做得很好，现在我们也团结在一起准备度过这个经济难关。但是如果我们今天面对的不是健康或者经济课题，而是种族和宗教的课题的话， 一个像1964年的种族暴动，那么罅隙还是清晰可见的。我们有自信我们的国人够战胜人类分裂和原始的本能吗？如果情况恶化而我们国家的生计蒙上阴影，我们 有足够的新加坡公民，更不用说永久居民，挺身来维护这个我们称为家的地方吗？我希望我能大声地说出一个“是”，可是实际上我没有把握。 7、 根据新加坡理工学院在2007年的一项普查，共有800名年龄介于15至20岁的年轻人接受问卷。他们都在新加坡学校接受教育并且强制上过国民教育的课 程。37%的年轻人认为自己不爱国。超过50%认为有机会的话会考虑移民。这项调查的结果和许多针对年轻人、年轻在职人士、海外新加坡人和国民服役人员的 调查相去不远。我2009年7月在亚洲新闻网上读到一篇文章，根据“体验2009”（一个常年主办美国教育展的单位）的一份主要调查，受访对象是153名 新加坡海外留学生，其中79%认为毕业后要留在美国工作。今年初，在中正中学70周年的庆祝活动上，吴作栋资政透露：那些在1996至1999年剑桥A水 准会考中表现优异的学生，如今，也就是十年之后，已经有超过五分之一不留在新加坡工作。虽然这些调查不令我们吃惊，但也值得关注。 8、对我 来说，我们国家面对的挑战，不是疲弱的国民生产总值或资金外逃的问题。也不是我们是否有足够人才来维持经济繁荣，而是我们有多少热忱和向往来当家作主，不 再把自己当成一个过客？我们需要扪心自问，我们是家“公司”还是一个国家？如果我们满足于把这里当做一家“公司”，那么我们的首要任务就是要保证给股东的 投资足够的回报率。如果我们要成为一个国家，那么我们在量化回报和主要表现指数之外，还要加入以情感为基础的因素，诸如种族与宗教和谐、稳定与幸福。要成 就这些，社会需要重视和奖励这方面的承诺、认同感和信念，在面对困难的时刻它们都是不可或缺的。我们需要风雨与共的情怀，能够在飘摇的日子一起走过。这也 是李总理在两天前国庆群众大会的演说重点。 9、我们需要国家信约的原则来支撑和发展这种韧性、坚毅和自立。要是我们只是有口无心地念，不能内化成一种信仰，那也是无用的。 10、 我们需要保证国家信约的重要位置，因为唯有它能团结国人。国庆日当晚8点22分，当我们宣读信约时倍感那种澎湃之情，全国人民几乎共呼吸了。很多朋友告诉 我们，他们和家人在那一刻都特别感动——而正是这些人经常被人戏谑为只对数据迷惑不已。我的10岁女儿、玛雅，告诉我说她好像回到第一次读信约，完全是带 着感情说出来的。我的太太说今年的国庆庆典能够亲临现场带给她希望，更加坚信，在心灵深处我们是一个团结的民族。我的生意伙伴，她是个永久居民，她说让她 觉得能够成为新加坡人很自豪。宣读信约是不能心存侥幸或附带功利，每次在我们背诵它的时候，我们都要相信这些付出是值得的。由此，我们有必要让所有公民， 从小开始就明白它深层的意义。更重要的是，今天我们在国会里必须以身作则，任何与国家信约精神相违背的政策或法案都不能让它通过。如果我们能够重申国家信 约的原则，让它作为国家政策、特别是经济策略的基石，那是再好不过了。（待续） 摘自大马论坛  Read More →