TR EMERITUS

In 2001, as Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's long tenure as prime minister was in its final years, we wrote that Malaysia was "in danger of stepping back from the world of democracy and the Internet into a darker age of racial conflict and government repression." Eight years later, with the economy deteriorating and politics in turmoil, that threat looms again. Dr Mahathir's protege, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, is set to be elected today as leader of Umno, the leading party in the coalition that has governed the country since independence in 1957. Next week he is expected to take over as prime minister, replacing the moderate and mostly ineffective Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. During his six years in office, Abdullah made scant progress in efforts to end political corruption, liberalise the economy and reform the judiciary. The unpopular premier led Umno to a dismal performance in elections a year ago. Najib's ascension to power has been marked by a government crackdown on Umno's political opponents and on free speech. On Monday, police fired tear gas on a rally in Kedah as opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was speaking to the crowd. Also this week, reporters from popular online media, including Malaysiakini and The Malaysian Insider, were denied credentials by the party to cover the Umno party congress taking place in Kuala Lumpur. Most worryingly, the government this week shut down two opposition party newspapers. The ban is for three months — long enough to get past the April 7 by-elections for three parliamentary seats that the opposition is keen to snag. It's also long enough to get past the expected verdict next month in a sensational murder trial to which the opposition links Najib; Najib vehemently denies any involvement and says he did not know the victim. As reported in a Journal news story this week, Anwar said he believes the papers were shuttered in part to keep them from repeating allegations of corruption in weapons purchases when Najib was defence minister. Najib has denied allegations of corruption. The government's new restrictions on the press come on the heels of Umno's moves against the opposition party in Perak, where it recently persuaded three state assemblymen to switch alliances, thereby shifting the state government's balance of power in Umno's favor. The Sultan of Perak validated the move, the opposition contested it and a court case is under way. But a lawyer who said the sultan's decision was unconstitutional and suggested he might sue the sultan was charged with sedition last week. Six Internet users who made critical comments on the sultan's website were also charges with insulting the sultan under the country's new cyber law. In Dr Mahathir's era, the Umno-led government could get away with such tactics. Under his watch, the country saw opposition media silenced and political dissidents jailed. But in today's Malaysia, where voters are beginning to realise the power of the ballot box, it's a risky political gambit. Anwar led his opposition coalition to victory in five of 13 states last year and since then has also won two parliamentary by-elections. So far Anwar has been unable to win enough defections from Umno to dissolve the government and call new elections. If he succeeds — and if he can get past his July trial for sodomy — he could eventually win the premiership. Anwar denies the charges and says they are politically motivated, a charge the government denies. In the meantime, Umno's moves against the opposition and the press suggest that rather than listening to voters, the ruling party may be growing less tolerant of dissent. Add in the ethnic tensions in Malaysia's multiracial society — and Umno's favoured system of preferences for native Malays — and it's a potentially combustible mix. Malaysia can't afford political upheaval now. The country's economy is being hit hard by the global recession. GDP growth is forecast to contract this quarter after growth of just 0.1 per cent in the fourth quarter of 2008, and unemployment is rising. Foreign investors perceive political risk in a country that still locks up its citizens under colonial-era laws like the the Internal Security Act. Voters may decide to take it out on Najib, who was finance minister under Abdullah, if they don't see improvement in the economy. Najib seems to understand that Malaysians want something new. In a speech on Tuesday at the party conference, he promised to end corruption and the politics of patronage and pursue reform; he called for "renewal and regeneration" for Umno. "Economic progress and better education have directly resulted in the birth of a class of voters who are better informed, very demanding and highly critical," he said. "If we do not heed this message, their seething anger will become hatred and in the end this may cause them to abandon us altogether." Najib, the son of Malaysia's second prime minister, entered Parliament at the age of 22. Now 55, he has been groomed for this moment for all of his political life. If the soon-to-be PM truly wants to change his country for the better, he'll make good on his word, squelch his inner Mahathir, and lead Malaysia down the path of more transparent government and basic freedoms. Source: The Malaysian Insider  Read More →

Alhamdulillah, the highest praise is for Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala, for it is with His blessings, that the 59th Umno General Assembly is now under way. This year, Insya Allah Umno will be 63 years old on May 2009; and if Allah also permits Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to go on, I will reach the age of 70 this coming November 26. 2. When Umno was established, I was a mere boy in primary school. Many members of my family, especially my grandfather, Haji Abdullah Fahim (Allahyarham), my father Haji Ahmad Badawi (Allahyarham) and my mother Hajah Khailan binti Hassan (Allahyarhamah) were actively involved in the founding of Umno. I observed various meetings and discussions, including the ones in my grandfather’s home and the Madrasah Daeratul Maarif Al-Wataniah although at that time, I did not truly understand much of what was being deliberated. 3. I am descended from founding fathers of Umno and I was exposed to the party’s struggle during my formative years. It is therefore inevitable that I would inherit the Umno spirit. As an adult, I later chose to join Umno, because I believed in the purity of its objectives and the worthiness of its cause. I have held fast to an unflagging conviction that has prevented me from ever betraying Umno and has led me to steer clear from those who seek to destroy it. I have never denigrated Umno. I have never made offensive remarks about Umno. And certainly, I have never deserted Umno, even though there was a time when I was insulted by certain members of Umno. Indeed, one’s loyalty is truly tested when the party is faced with grave challenges, during a time of difficulty and when one has no position or standing within the party. 4. I witnessed the struggles of my grandfather and my father, the sacrifices borne by my mother, and that of their generation. I have seen thousands of members, who have fought for Umno’s cause. I saw that the strength of Umno was forged and made potent by unsung heroes, anonymous and without rank in the party, many of whom have never made it to this Dewan Merdeka.  These are people who have never offered to contest for any position in the party’s Supreme Council, who have never asked to take but instead kept on giving, who did not see Umno as a means to satisfy their self interest or personal gain. They are the true heroes of Umno. They are the ones who have supported and upheld the party; they are the heroes who have kept faith in Umno’s commitment and resolve in protecting the Malays fighting for the independence of the nation, upholding Islam, defending the sovereignty of the Malay Rulers and maintaining the status of the Malay language and Malay culture. They are the ones true standard bearers of Umno’s struggle – the struggle for the Malay people. 5. I have been with Umno for a long time.  I first came to know of the party as a seven year old boy, I followed the party throughout my days as a youth and joined the party as an adult. Umno has always been my political organisation of choice, and I have pledged my unbroken loyalty to its struggle because it has been my clear and unshakable conviction that Umno’s mission is noble and genuine. Notwithstanding any negative perceptions and opinions on Umno today, no one can deny that Umno has made countless contributions in a variety of areas to our nation and its citizens since its establishment in 1946, including Islam and Malay civilisation, politics and peace, as well as in the socio-economic arena. 6. In the 63 years since its founding, Umno has succeeded. Umno has contributed towards the unity of the Malays, stoked the fires of Malay nationalism, upheld the dignity of Islam, restored the sovereignty of the Malay Rulers, forged understanding and cooperation between the races, negotiated for and obtained the Independence of the Federation of Malaya and expanded it to form Malaysia, protected the peace and security of our nation, nurtured the nation’s social and economic development, made Malaysia a land of plenty, created the Malay middle class, eradicated poverty, pioneered various forms of cooperation among the Asean nations and played an active role in promoting understanding and fellowship among the Muslim countries around the world. 7. For a long time, the contributions made and successes achieved by Umno were appreciated and accepted by the citizens of our country and acknowledged by the international community. As a result, in successive general elections, a majority of Malaysians entrusted their vote, time and again, to Umno and its partners in Barisan Nasional. Internationally, stories of our success are often referred to, and held up as a positive example for other nations. In the past 50 years, Malaysia has progressed from being one of the poorest nations in the world, to being acknowledged recently by the UNDP as a nation with high human development. Foreign workers recognise Malaysia as a land of opportunity, a nation with blessed with abundant prosperity. 8. Nevertheless, we must also realise that of late, Umno’s glory has dimmed. The results of the twelfth general election are an important reminder. Today, everything that Umno does is seen as wrong, everything that Umno says is believed to be untrue. Indeed Umno, as well as the Barisan Nasional have become everyone’s favourite whipping boy, labelled as the cause of every defect and discordance, and blamed as the perpetrator of immoral behaviour and misconduct even when such actions are committed by those who are members of political parties opposed to Umno. 9. How easy it is to be a member of the opposition pact; it is as if they have full licence to freely commit anything, free to utter the foulest words, for everything that is bad can be conveniently blamed on Umno. I am not saying that all Umno members are blameless or without weaknesses. But certainly, Umno members should not be treated as garbage bins, merely to collect blame and slander that arise from the immoral behaviour and misconduct of others. It is not reasonable to believe that members and supporters of opposition parties are free from sin or flaws.  Certainly they cannot all be saints. 10. Nonetheless, Umno is facing a test of credibility.  Why are we suffering this fate, blamed to this terrible extent? Why are we now seen to be completely without virtue? This situation has placed a heavy test of credibility unto Umno. There are a number of internal factors which have led to this erosion of public trust in Umno: First: longevity in power has led to complacency and a number of Umno leaders are increasingly out of touch with the ordinary people who have been the source of Umno’s strength for so long. Second: relative neglect of the rural community in our desire and intent to achieve developed nation status. Third: ineffectiveness of Umno political programmes in reaching out to the younger generation, apart from what is already being implemented by various governmental institutions. Fourth: prolonged conflict among ourselves, especially while competing for positions within the party, has eroded the spirit of fraternity among party members. Fifth: materialism has seeped into the party, making a number of party members greedy and avaricious, hence creating the negative perception that Umno is a corrupt party. Read rest of speech on The Malaysian Insider  Read More →

By Kishore Mahbubani I HAVE just finished writing an article for the Wilson Quarterly, an American journal, on the topic, Can America Fail? The opening paragraph reads as follows: ‘In 1981, Singapore’s long-ruling People’s Action Party was shocked when it suffered its first defeat at the polls in many years, even though the contest was in a single constituency. I asked Dr Goh Keng Swee, one of Singapore’s three great founding fathers and the architect of Singapore’s economic miracle, why the PAP lost. He replied, ‘Kishore, we failed because we did not even conceive of the possibility of failure’.’ The simple truth is that any society can fail. America is vulnerable. So too is Singapore. And as Dr Goh perceived, the only way to prevent failure is to conceive of failure. The aim of this article is to stimulate Singaporeans into thinking how Singapore might fail. Let me emphasise that I do not believe Singapore is going to fail. But to ensure it does not fail, we must think of how it might fail. Such thinking is absolutely essential as we sail through the biggest economic storm the world has experienced since the Great Depression. I have come to the paradoxical conclusion that Singapore’s greatest strengths may also be the source of its greatest vulnerabilities. One of Singapore’s greatest strengths is that it is the world’s most globalised nation. The Foreign Policy magazine has a globalisation index. Singapore ranks No.1. There is no doubt that Singapore has succeeded in a spectacular fashion because it has been the best surfer on the tidal wave of globalisation. But what happens to the Singapore economy if we move from an era of globalisation to an era of de-globalisation? De-globalisation has not arrived. However, there are early warning signals of its possibility. Earlier this month, The Washington Post painted a gloomy picture of the global recession, noting that many countries were now entering a period of de-globalisation with plummeting world trade. It noted that Singapore’s predicament was that it faced an ‘ebbing of a golden age of trade, innovation, wealth accumulation and poverty reduction through globalisation’. Against this backdrop, we should heed Dr Goh’s advice and conceive of the possibility of globalisation failing. And if it fails, how does Singapore avoid failure? Read rest of article here  Read More →