TR EMERITUS

From our Correspondent The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP)'s Young Democrats were invited to observe the recently concluded by-election in Permatang Pasir, Penang by the Youth Wing of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) which was founded by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in 1999 after his controversial sacking from the government by then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Anwar invited the SDP trio of Jarrod Luo, Mohammad Khalis and Mohammad Shamin to join him on stage at a PKR rally where he urged them to "keep up the struggle". PKR deputy youth chief, Mohd Faris Musa, also praised the Singapore Democrats for daring to take on the PAP. Mr Shamsul Iskandar, Youth Chief of PKR told the SDP members: ""PKR will always be supporting SDP in its journey. We always identify ourselves with groups that dare to challenge oppressive regimes. We hope to have more of such exchanges between the SDP and PKR in the future." SDP had established close links with PKR as early as 2001 when the fledging new party was still struggling to establish a foothold in Malaysia's tough political landscape. One of the earliest PKR leaders to make contact with SDP is its Information Chief Tian Chua. Tian Chua was a human rights activist before he joined PKR. He took part in many protests against the ruling coalition of Malaysia and was arrested a few times by the police, including being detained once under Malaysia's draconian Internal Security Act. Though he lost in 3 previous elections, Tian Chua finally won the Batu seat in the 2008 election in which PKR emerged as the strongest opposition party with 31 seats in the Malaysia Dewan Rakyat. Tian Chua urged Singapore to "work towards true and real democracy". When Dr Mahathir Mohamad sacked Anwar Ibrahim in 1999 on dubious charges of sodomy and corruption, then Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew jumped to his defence: "I would have felt disappointed if Goh (his successor) were to behave like Anwar too.", he said. Anwar was charged in court and jailed for 6 years before he was released by the congenial Tun Abdullah Badawi in 2004. PKR won only one seat in Anwar's stronghold of Permatang Pauh in the 2004 elections and was written off as a viable political party by many observers including fellow opposition leaders. However, Anwar staged a dramatic comeback by bringing the three disparate opposition parties, PKR, PAS and DAP under one umbrella to contest in the 2008 elections, triggering a political tsunami which saw the opposition won an unprecedented 82 seats in Parliament and wrestling 4 states from the ruling coalition including the two richest states of Penang and Selangor. The Malaysian opposition's incredible performance had sent shivers down the spines of the ruling PAP in Singapore. Two months ago, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew went on a 10-day tour of Malaysia in which he met many opposition leaders to learn more about the political situation and developments in Malaysia. He did not meet Anwar though. While many young Singaporeans are hoping that the political tsunami in Malaysia will be replicated here, it is highly unlikely to happen in the near future as Singapore's weak and divided opposition lacked an unifying figure in the stature of Anwar Ibrahim and Singaporeans have far lower political awareness and maturity compared to the Malaysians.  Read More →

Zheng Jie Wo struggles to load another empty box onto her trolley. At 76, she is besieged by joint pain brought on by a life of hard work. She can barely push the trolley that she uses to collect Singapore's discarded cardboard, cans and paper. "I still have to work even if it is painful. It hurts here in my joints and here to. I have got chronic arthritis." Zheng has been living on the streets for about seven years. There is no free healthcare in Singapore and her late husband's hospital bills left her destitute. She survives by selling scrap, but even those meager earnings are under threat. The economic crisis has hit the recycling industry hard. "Three months ago, the price of recycables was higher. I could earn at least $10 every day, maybe more. The prices are dropping, dropping, dropping. Then now a lot lower, recycables are selling for a few dollars now." Singapore is one of Asia's wealthiest nation, but also the first to slip into recession because of the global financial turmoil. The Singapore Buddhist Lodge provide free meals three times a day. They see numbers increase by forty per cent over the last few months as people save money any way they can. (Said Singapore Buddhist Lodge President Mr Lee Bock Guan): "The government in Singapore isn't welfare-oriented. They won't give you money if you are in trouble. You have to rely on your own diligence. The only jobs people can find are labor-intensive jobs like sweeping the floor. They don't care what the salary is as long they can work and earn some kind of money." Back in the alley, Zheng Jie Wo faces a new worry. Thieves looking to make a quick buck had been stealing her scrap which leaves Zheng with no option but to sleep by her trolley to protect the precious little she has left. Source: AFP  Read More →

By Alison Tudor from Wall Street Journal Japanese voters overwhelmingly rejected the party that has largely ruled their nation for most of the past half a century, choosing instead an untested rival to grapple with an enfeebled economy and an aging society. The historic change in government could usher in a new era for Japanese politics that replaces the staid consensus that guided Japan in its postwar boom years with a more fractious, competitive environment. The upstart Democratic Party of Japan and the establishment Liberal Democratic Party share similar positions on a number of issues. But the more-liberal DPJ is pushing an ambitious and expensive domestic spending agenda with an eye toward reigniting Japan's economy. The U.S. and others may find Tokyo to be a more complex partner than it had been, as they deal with shifting leaders and priorities for the first time in decades. But Japan also might prove a more willing ally on the world stage as its new leaders pledge to take a greater role on issues such as United Nations peacekeeping missions and climate change. The DPJ's victory was sweeping. It claimed 308 seats, a vast majority of the 480 seats in the parliament's lower house, compared with 115 seats previously. It already holds the upper house. The longtime ruling Liberal Democratic Party was reduced to 119 seats from 300 seats. New Party Komei, the LDP's coalition partner, fell to 21 seats from 31, with party president Akihiro Ota losing his seat. "Japanese people feel profound anger toward the current politics," Yukio Hatoyama, head of the victorious DPJ and Japan's likely next prime minister, said at a news conference. "We will refrain from arrogance and ensure our victory becomes a victory for the people." The Japanese voted in record numbers on a hot and rainy Sunday. Kyodo News projected the final turnout at 70% of the 104 million eligible voters, topping the 68% in the previous election. In Tokyo trading Monday, shares were up more than 1% on the news early, before entering the midday break slightly lower. The outcome had been forecast by pollsters, but Sunday will nonetheless go down as a watershed in modern Japanese history. It was the first time since the LDP's creation in 1955 that Japanese voters gave a majority to another party. The LDP has run the nation since 1955 for all but 11 months, in the early 1990s, when it was tossed from power by a motley crew of defectors and opposition figures. But for that interregnum, the nation has had one of the most stagnant democracies in the world for half a century. The LDP led Japan into prolonged decline following the collapse in 1990 of its property and stock markets, but the opposition failed to field leaders strong enough to capture the public's confidence. As the LDP lost favor, its effectiveness ebbed, from domestic policy to foreign affairs. This stasis is widely cited as a key factor behind Japan's inability to shake its long economic slumber. "You've had a political situation that has frozen Japan's ability to act," said Thomas Schieffer, who served from 2005 until earlier this year as U.S. ambassador to Japan. Among the LDP's casualties Sunday were prominent faces. In Nagasaki, Eriko Fukuda, a 28-year-old DPJ rookie, beat Fumio Kyuma, a 68-year-old LDP veteran and ex-defense minister. In Tokyo, finance minister Kaoru Yosano was defeated by Banri Kaieda, an economic analyst. "This shows the LDP's politics of the past several years failed to meet people's expectations," said Mr. Yosano as he conceded defeat. "For that, I feel a sense of deep guilt." Young DPJ workers were exultant Sunday night. The relative youth of DPJ supporters is one factor that sets the party apart from the LDP, which gets more older voters. In a shabby concrete building in Tokyo where Mr. Kaieda set up headquarters, sweating workers posed for the cameras and handed out paper fans to ward off the heat. When the results came in, Mr. Kaieda walked into the room, tears in his eyes. His staff stood up and gave the victory cry: "Banzai!" Haruhiko Yamaguchi, a 28-year-old law graduate who helped Mr. Kaieda campaign, said: "We need change. I wanted to help create a proper two-party system in Japan." Yet Sunday's election held a twist: Mr. Hatoyama is the grandson of a founder of the LDP, a man who became the first prime minister from that party. Prime Minister Taro Aso announced Monday he was stepping down as LDP leader. "The results were extremely tough for us," said Mr. Aso. "We must accept the voters' voices sincerely and make a fresh start." It remains to be seen whether the newcomers can solve Japan's structural problems and reassure a people uncertain about the future. Fujio Mitarai, chairman and CEO of Canon Inc., called on the DPJ to work with the LDP in such areas such as overhauling the tax and social-security systems and empowering regional governments. "For now, the highest priority in conducting policy is to make sure the nation exits completely from the economic crisis," said Mr. Mitarai, head of the Japan Business Federation, or Nippon Keidanren, a business lobby. The changing of the guard comes at a crucial juncture. Amid a deep slump triggered by the financial crisis last fall, Japan's status as a global economic power is waning: China is poised to supplant Japan as the world's second-largest economy within a year or two, behind the U.S. "We need to see changes," said Kunio Takahashi, 65, who backed the DPJ. "Although we still don't know how it will turn out, it's better that a different party will try to change our government." The DPJ offers a social-spending plan that includes a child allowance of $3,300 a year, meant as a solution to Japan's declining population and rising average age of its citizens. It seeks a wider social safety net, and restrictions on the ability of companies to hire temporary workers. It also proposes to re-evaluate Japan's strong ties with the U.S. -- including a review of U.S. military facilities in Okinawa -- and to explore greater regional alliances. Still, the DPJ faces skepticism from voters ambivalent about change. The party has offered few specifics on how it plans to pay for its initiatives. "What the party is saying sounds impossible," said Kozue Murakami, 34, a stay-at-home mother who took her infant son to the polls. Pointing to her son, she said if the DPJ fails to finance its policies, "We citizens have to take the burden, and these children are the ones who will have to take up the slack." Despite its mandate, the DPJ may go slowly in policy shifts. "It is crucial to wait and see right now," says Kent Calder, a John Hopkins University professor who has been an adviser to Democratic U.S. ambassadors to Japan. "I'd say at least until the upper-house elections [in July], it is not going to be definitively clear how the new political landscape will be configured." The DPJ will be watched closely as it selects a cabinet. The party is an eclectic mix, including former ruling-party heavyweights and labor activists, who may find it difficult to agree on key issues. Mr. Hatoyama said recently he would give key positions, such as finance and foreign minister, to senior lawmakers. Analysts say candidates include Katsuya Okada, party secretary-general and a former trade and industry bureaucrat, and Hirohisa Fujii, who served as finance minister in a coalition government when the LDP briefly lost power in 1993. Also vying are Naoto Kan, a former student activist who confronted bureaucrats in medical scandals, and Akira Nagatsuma, known as "Mr. Pension" for his role in uncovering a scandal in which the government lost pension records of 50 million citizens. By mid- to late September, the new parliament will vote in a prime minister, who would then travel to the U.S. to attend a UN General Assembly meeting Sept. 22, and a Group of 20 leaders summit in Pittsburgh Sept. 24 and 25. After that, the DPJ will be under pressure to perform. "I don't have a lot of confidence in the DPJ, because they haven't ever had to produce results," said Teruyuki Wada, a 60-year-old salaryman, who only would say he voted against the LDP. "But I will take my time, watch how they do and decide again in four years." Source: Wall Street Journal EDITORS' NOTE: Temasek Review is a paid subscriber of the Wall Street Journal  Read More →